Suchergebnisse

This project takes a disaggregated look at state immigration policies using both qualitative and quantitative methods and challenges conventional wisdoms that overemphasize demographics and partisanship. What processes, actors, and institutions can give us more purchase in understanding state immigration laws? I argue state actors, institutions, and contexts explain why some states pass immigration policies. The first empirical chapter highlights the role of time and state context by using a time series model to identify variables affecting the passage of state immigration law between 1980 and 2014. The second chapter investigates the influence of institutional rules and state actors in the policy process. Undertaking fieldwork in California and Oregon, I found that institutional rules, like referendum policies, affect the passage of state immigration legislation. The final looks at the role of the judiciary in state immigration legislation. Moving away from ascriptive characteristics like gender or race, I test the correlation of personal history to judicial behavior. Specifically, I find the immigration generation of federal appellate and Supreme Court judges affects how they adjudicate state immigration policy cases.

Since 1980, state governments have passed over 1700 pieces of immigration legislation equal in the number of permissive immigration laws to restrictive immigration laws. Driver's Licenses are a policy area directly under state jurisdiction in which states are creating legislation regarding licenses for those unable to prove legal residence. This brief considers California and Oregon as case studies to examine state variation on driver's licenses for undocumented immigrants, and suggests that structural opportunities and the agency of state issue entrepreneurs opposing driver's licenses for undocumented immigrants influence the process and ultimate outcome of driver's license legislative efforts.

AbstractObjectiveTo include the factor of police malfeasance in the crisis of confidence in American police. Further, to explain the role of race, media, and contextual factors on individual perception of police performance. We argue that while the BLM movement was amplified by the deaths of Black people at the hands of police, it originates from the reality that police are continuously engaged in nefarious activities that wear down communities of color extensively.MethodsUsing the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey (CMPS) and data on media reported police malfeasance in 2016 collected from the CATO institute, we explore the relationship between police malfeasance, race, and evaluations of police performance. We create two sets of logit regressions, one for all CMPS respondents and second, disaggregated by race to show the effects of media reported police malfeasance on respondent's evaluations of police performance.ResultsIn the pooled model, we find a positive and significant correlation between poor police performance evaluations and incidences of police malfeasance. Further, substantive increases in the probability of rating police performance as poor are correlated with all respondents when disaggregated by race. We find a significant correlation among Black and White respondents, who are more likely to rate police performance as poor.ConclusionConventional narratives around the Black Lives Matter movement seem to show that deaths at the hands of local law enforcement "created" the BLM movement. We argue that the current delegitimating of police in terms of public support is related directly to police behavior themselves. Police malfeasance increases the likelihood of negative performance evaluations, thus undermining community trust in the police.

ObjectiveDo premigratory experiences shape the perceived need for racial and/or ethnic political representation? Although there is much literature that has examined whether a "pan‐ethnic" Asian‐American identity is emerging, we test the effects of premigration experiences with ethnic violence on the perceived need for descriptive representation among Asian Americans.MethodsUsing the 2016 National Asian American Pre‐Election Survey, in combination with comparative cross‐national data, we explore the relationship between premigration experiences and the perceived need for racial and ethnic representation.ResultsUsing both multilevel logit and a Heckman selection analyses, we find that premigratory experiences with violence significantly reduce the assessment that racial and ethnic representation is important.ConclusionThis suggests that premigratory experiences with ethnic violence reduce individual assessments that racial and ethnic representation is important. Individuals who emigrated from countries that experienced ethnic violence eschew descriptive representation in understanding politics in the United States.

The number of women seeking congressional office in the United States has dramatically increased since 1980. Previous research on women candidates explores why women run, but new research on candidate emergence shows that women face different challenges and advantages based on their race and ethnicity. We investigate these differences by disaggregating data on women's candidate emergence by race and ethnicity to examine how these theories work when explicitly considering race and ethnicity. We focus our examination on women running in House primaries between 1980 and 2012. We argue that theories of candidate emergence are conditional to the racial and/or ethnic identification of the candidate. We employ a cross-sectional time series analysis with the intuition that examining congressional elections over time will allow us to make general comments about the participation of women in congressional elections. We find that many of the conditions thought necessary for women's emergence as candidates are contextual and temporally specific. Moreover, conditions that encourage women to run do not necessarily apply to women of color.

This paper discusses the results of a survey of multinational corporations with affiliates in developing countries. The paper explores corporate perspectives and decision making across the stages of the investment cycle: attraction, entry and establishment, operations and expansion, linkages with the local economy, and, in some cases, divestment and exit. Through interviews with 754 executives, the survey finds that political stability and a business-friendly regulatory environment are the top two factors influencing multinational corporations' investment decisions in developing countries. Investors seek predictable, transparent, and efficient conduct of public agencies. The survey results also show that investors are heterogeneous, and their perceptions vary with motivation and size. Multinational corporations that are involved in efficiency-seeking investment are more selective than investors motivated by other considerations, and that relatively smaller multinational corporations are more sensitive to host country characteristics and investment climate factors than large firms.

ABSTRACTObjectiveSince the 70's census, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics –IBGE has been conducting a post enumeration survey – PES to assess census coverage. In 2010 the survey was conducted in a sample of enumeration areas in each of the 27 states and matching was performed for data from Census and PES. One of the biggest improvements of the 2010 Brazilian Census was the incorporation of new methodologies and technologies. Use of handheld devices in the 2010 Census and PES facilitated automatic matching of PES to the Census. MethodA matching system was designed aiming to find as much as possible the enumerated units by both Census and PES – the true matches. An accurate matching process was essential as the number of matches/unmatches had an effect on the coverage rates so that the levels of false positive (false matches) was strongly controlled during matching operation and the number of false negative (missed true matches) was minimised by successive steps in the matching system. The matching system comprised three stages: automatic, assisted and reconciliation. The automatic matching step was based on the probabilistic linkage theory and a probabilistic model was developed to identify true matches of persons and housing units from census and post enumeration survey data files. Scores were computed according to agreement and disagreement probabilities of selected variables in the pairs of records. The assisted step was held for all housing units and persons classified as unmatch or possible match at the end of automatic step. The procedures included revision of possible matches and matching "unmatched" pairs. This step was run through an application developed in house. The last step was the field reconciliation. Field team double checked the data collected on the unmatched housing units and persons from both Census and PES and searched for new matches. ResultsNew true matches were found while carrying out field checks, especially in rural areas where the addressing system is not standardized. The matching system has been fully implemented immediately after the completion of data collection in each enumeration area. The performance of automatic step was impressive as Brazil is eight million squares kilometers country with huge regional differences and the automatic step was based in a single model for the whole country. Automatic matching resulted in 76% of the total of pairs, with regional differences under 10%, while assisted allowed for 20% and reconciliation 3% of the final pairs.

Tiene como objetivo fundamental estudiar en qué medida la evolución de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación han permitido la transnacionalización de las formas de participación política en el contexto democrático de los países de América Latina, enfatizando el caso ecuatoriano. Para lograr el objetivo planteado, se ha realizado un sucinto recorrido teórico sobre la democracia, el estado y la ciudadanía desde la mirada de la Ciencia Política. Además se ha desarrollado el análisis de la transnacionalización de la participación política en el marco del desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y comunicación. La metodología utiliza la información aportada por tres variables, la conceptual y la recabada a través de entrevistas a profundidad y encuestas realizadas a actores estratégicos en materia de sociedad y tecnología. El estudio analiza las prácticas que en este campo han experimentado los países de América Latina, profundizando el razonamiento en el caso ecuatoriano. Para este fin se ha tomado varias iniciativas de e-participación política en el Ecuador subrayando el modelo planteado por la Plataforma Virtual "Bienvenidos a Casa" que lidera la Secretaría Nacional del Migrante de este país. Finalmente, se discuten las posibilidades empíricas de ampliar el ejercicio en la actualidad de la participación política en este contexto analítico.

As feiras livres têm uma grande importância para a comunidade local, ao homem do campo e à agricultura familiar, pois se apresentam como um caminho de desenvolvimento e fortalecimento da cadeia produtiva. O presente artigo busca caracterizar os empreendimentos de feiras livres do município de Santa Maria/RS, e averiguar sua sustentabilidade sob os aspectos - social, econômico e ambiental. Os procedimentos metodológicos adotados foram a pesquisa documental e o estudo de campo, ocorrido no período de outubro de 2015 a janeiro de 2016, em nove feiras livres, valendo-se das técnicas de entrevista e observação in loco. A análise aponta entre os principais resultados: i) predomínio de feirantes oriundos de uma agricultura convencional, que conta com a força de trabalho familiar; ii) desinteresse do jovem pelo trabalho do campo; iii) feirantes que, na sua maioria, admitem o uso de insumos químicos no processo de cultivo de alimentos; iv) falta de assistência de técnica e de orientação por parte do poder público e de entidades ligada ao setor; v) infraestrutura carente e inadequada de trabalho dos feirantes, além de problemas no cumprimento das normas higiênico-sanitárias. Conclui-se, a necessidade de melhor organização, formação e assistência técnica aos feirantes, pois requer melhorias no trabalho, na produção e no comércio, e consequentemente, uma ação mais efetiva para o fortalecimento da agricultura familiar e da atividade laboral do feirante; assim como, a necessidade de um programa de qualificação às feiras livres, para que possa assegurar sua continuidade e espaço mercadológico.

AbstractIntroductionIn this paper, we examine how premigratory experiences shape the willingness of immigrants to engage with the political system of the host country.MethodsUsing the Immigrant Citizens' Survey, a study of over 6600 immigrants in six European countries, and building upon previous work we test whether an immigrant who comes from an authoritarian country and/or a country that has experienced significant civil conflict, will affect the extent to which they are willing to politically engage in the politics of their host country.ResultsHowever, we find that whether an immigrant respondent came from a democracy or an extremely repressive regime at the time of their departure from the home country had no discernible effect on the willingness to vote in an election in the host country. We find that immigrants whose home country was embroiled in major civil conflicts at the time of their departure from the country are significantly more likely to express a willingness to politically engage in the politics of the host country, and this finding is robust across multiple model specifications.ConclusionsThis suggests that immigrants who hail from conflict countries are more likely to engage politically than immigrants from countries that have less conflict.